60 Years After the End of the Korean War
 
 
60 Years After the End of the Korean War:
An Introspection on Taiwan’s Gain and Loss from the Korean War


The end of the Korean War 60 years ago bears historical significance in the post-WWII world history. Not only was it the largest-scale war fought since 1945, it also set off a full blown Cold War in the international system. While the Korean War was a malicious act waged by North Korea's Kim Il-sung against people of his own, it ultimately was a proxy war between the super powers. South and North Koreas merely provided a battlefield where the United States, China and the Soviet Union flexed their muscles in power struggle. As a result of Kim Il-sung's ambition, plus Mao Zedong and Joseph Stalin's hidden agenda in taking part in the war, a tragedy was brought about with a deadly casualty of more than two millions people. [1].

The Korean War was a case of the Korean Peninsula submerged to a battlefield for the super powers after that of the First Sino-Japanese War. The turmoil that twice happened in the Korean Peninsula both yielded impacts on Taiwan; therefore Taiwan must not let down guard over any incidents happening in the Northeast Asian region. Although Taiwan was an outsider in the conflict between South and North Koreas, the situations in the Korean Peninsula twice affected Taiwan; and in both times, Taiwan benefited from them. As ironic as it may sound therefore, Taiwan should thank for the "war calamity" in the Korean Peninsula. As such, it comes a bit sheepish for the author to pen this article, and for that I request forgiveness from Korean friends and understanding to comprehend the effects of the Korean Peninsular situations on Taiwan from Taiwan's stance and perspective.

The first time the situation in the Korean Peninsular affected Taiwan was the First Sino-Japanese War in 1894 caused by the Donghak Party revolution. The Qing Dynasty lost the war and ceded Taiwan to Japan under the Treaty of Shimonoseki signed on April 17, 1895. At the time, Chinese secretary of state Li Hongzhang, in a bid to shed his responsibility, said in his report to Empress Dowager Cixi that: "There is no loss in discarding Taiwan because it is a place where birds don't sing, flowers have no scent, males are ruthless and females are unrighteous." [2]. Li Hongzhang's remarks were the utmost insult to Taiwanese. So, Taiwan was a place not wanted by the Chinese government, hence was ceded to foreign power.

The intellectuals and gentry in Taiwan were indignant over the news, could not accept the fact that calamity was spilled over to Taiwan from war that happened in place as far as Korea. Ceding of Taiwan was a finality as Beijing was of the stance that "Taiwan, however importance, is negligible when comparing to capital city [in China.]" [3]. On April 26, the Qing government ordered its officials to retreat from Taiwan.

Thereafter, in Japan's nearly a half-century rule in Taiwan, Taiwan's anti-Japanese movement mostly took place from 1895 to 1915, the first twenty years of Japan's rule in Taiwan. The anti-Japanese movement during the 20 years could, in general, be divided into three phases. The first phase was the "Yi-Wei war" from May 1895 to October 1895 for safeguarding the emergence of the Taiwan Republic; the second phase was the anti-Japanese guerrilla that took place almost yearly from the time till 1902; the third phase began from the Beipu Incident in 1907 to the Hsilaian Incident in 1915. The aforementioned anti-Japanese clashes composed of mainly Han people. It wasn't until 1930 that the Wushe Incident took place, an uprising led by Aborigines.

After the Wushe Incident, Japan strengthened Taiwan's constructions and structures in every aspect as it actively hoped to develop Taiwan into a production base for its policy of southward expansion. The various kinds of developments in Taiwan by the Japanese laid a strong foundation for Taiwan's modernization and industrialization, efforts and contributions for which the Taiwanese would never forget. If Taiwan had not been ceded to Japan but continued under rule of the Qing government, it, being a tiny island bordering China on the southeast, probably would always be left unconcerned by the authorities in Beijing, let alone undertaking construction and modernizing its development. So Taiwan, can be the way it is today, must pay gratitude to the First Sino-Japanese War caused by the Donghak revolution, the Qing Dynasty's defeat for which Taiwan gained from the calamity in Korea. While all these may sound ironic to the Koreans, from Taiwanese's perspective, it is an undeniable fact.

It is also the root to the reason why among the elder generation in Taiwan there harbors a sense of "nostalgia" for Japan. Because the one biggest difference between Taiwan and the Korea is that Taiwan, prior to being colonized by Japan, was not a country with an independent sovereignty and had no such thing as the so-called "Taiwanese nationalism." Therefore the Taiwanese are unlike the Korean people, whom suffered the subjugation of the Korea, feeling of which that subsequently brewed an anti-Japan sentiment. While the Treaty of Shimonoseki brought about the foundation for Taiwan's modernization however, Japan's colonization of Taiwan lacked moral legitimacy because, just like its colonization of the Korea, its purpose was to actualize its "Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere" and policy of southward expansion that it developed Taiwan mainly so to build it as a production base.

Taiwanese's reminiscence for Japan was further propelled into a sense of "homesickness," "pro-Japan" sentiment and then the idea for Taiwan independence after the 228 Massacre by the Kuomintang Nationalist army in 1947, which burst Taiwanese's expectation for "the motherland" and realized with a shock that this kind of motherland was worse than Japan. Many Taiwanese elites in droves went into exile overseas, promoting Taiwan independence movement.
The second time the turmoil in the Korean Peninsula affected Taiwan was 55 years later. At the time when the Korean war erupted, the Northeast Asia region was in an entire different situation. Taiwan became a base for Chiang Kai-shek to "reclaim the Mainland" when he lost the Chinese Civil War against the Chinese Communist Party and retreated to Taiwan. The United States was greatly disappointed by Chiang's Nationalist government's corruption. Five months before the Korean War broke out, then-US president Harry Truman on January 5, 1950 announced that the US would not intervene in the Chinese civil war and that it would not provide Taiwan with military aid and military advisors. On that same day, US secretary of state Dean Acheson, who had been of the opinion that "Taiwan never possesses a very important strategic significance," stressed that "any way providing further military aid and military consultants was not necessary." [4]. Chiang Kai-shek in Taiwan at the time therefore can be said as an international orphan with all odds against him and that he could only fight a lone battle.

With the outbreak of the Korean War, the situation in Northeast Asia suddenly changed and the US' strategy in the Far East subsequently had to change, too. Taiwan initially was not within the US' defensive line, two days later however on June 27, Truman stated that "... the occupation of Formosa by Communist forces would be a direct threat to the security of the Pacific area," and decided to send the US Seventh Fleet into the Taiwan Strait. The US' military protection prevented Taiwan from falling into Communist hands, and Chiang Kai-shek's regime became the biggest beneficiary from the Korean War.

Chiang Kai-shek at the time immediately realized that Taiwan's international isolation could be salvaged via the Korean War. On June 30, he told US General Douglas MacArthur the willingness to offer 33,000 of his troops and 20 military transport aircrafts to help in Korea. The offer was rejected immediately by the US. The Truman administration was concerned that if Taiwan dispatched troops to take part in the war, it might cross the Yalu River over to Mainland and prompted Chinese Communist to send in force to the war and bring about a larger-scale international war. The US' stance was obviously affected by British prime minister Winston Churchill's policy of appeasement toward the Communist. [5].

Although Taiwan did not send troops to take part in the war, the bitter feud between the Nationalists and the Chinese Communist from the Chinese civil war continued on between the two side of the Taiwan Strait in a power struggle via the Korean War in the Korean Peninsula. Especially with regards to the prisoner of war (POW), the Nationalist government was all out with force aiming to win the political tussle and humiliate the Communist with international propaganda. Taiwan provided with the United Nations (UN) military personnel the much-needed interpreters, Chinese language teachers, journalists and the like.

The 21,400 Chinese "volunteer soldiers" surrendered on the front line and POWs captivated by the UN force were mainly kept at places such as the Geoje Island. Via interpreters, it was learnt that a good number of the POWs wished to defect from the communist world for freedom. Taiwan's foreign minister Yeh, George Kung-chao then quickly openly stated that "the Republic of China government will take in POWs who have been confirmed by allies to have professed wish and willingness to quit the Communist and defect to Taiwan." Then via the media influencing public opinion around the world, it led the UN to, on humanitarian concern, proposed voluntary repatriation (where POWs could choose which side to return).

In July 1951 when the armistice negotiation began, China noted that "all POWs be released and repatriated without delay after the cessation of active hostilities" as stated in the Article 118 of the Geneva Convention. "Not a single one is to get away," Mao Zedong order the Chinese negotiators, a callous statement that dragged the Korean War to one-and-a-half more years longer and an increase of hundreds of thousands of Chinese casualties. [6]. The issue of POWs was the most debated and time-consuming matter during the armistice negotiation.

The Chinese POWs could be divided into three kinds: ones who were originally Kuomintang soldiers who were arranged to serve in the Communist military after being taken captivated by the Communist in the wake of the Chinese civil war; ones who were not soldiers but forced to take part in the military; and ones who were Communist soldiers all the way through. The POWs were initially kept in Pusan and, following questioning by the UN military personnel, were transferred to POW camps on the Geoje Island before again being transferred to Jeju Island's Moseulpo.

All sorts of infightings took place in the POW camps, all initiated by the Communist soldiers. These included trumpeting of communist propaganda via ways such as language, attitude and conducts and forceful approaches such as physical assaults, killing and arbitrary body-dumping in which body parts were thrown outside the camps when the POWs were out on duty. Purpose of these infightings was to gain an upper hand in the camp by which, over time, the camps would be known as either controlled by the Communist or by the Nationalist. As for the UN force, they could not be bothered nor would they be able to do anything about it when there came "a few missing" at time of roll-call. They pretty much left the POWs ran on their own within the POW camps.

On the surface, the POWs were questioned and verified by the UN Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission (NNRC) chaired by India on their desire which side they wanted to return. The Communist argued that "all POWs be repatriated" whereas the UN force was of the opinion of "volunteer repatriation." The "volunteer repatriation" proposed by the UN force's representative in the armistice negotiation attempted to use the situation that "a large number of Chinese and North Korean POWs refused to be repatriated" as a way to propagate "the failure of the Communism."

Eventually Chinese Communist agreed to the "volunteer repatriation" on condition that a process of investigation and persuasion be included. On the surface, the Communist agreed to the accord although in reality the implementation of POWs who wished to remain with their captors were arrangement in way that favored China (locations of the camps were largely located on China and the North Korea's front lines), whom demanded that all POWs be transferred to38th parallel and managed by the NNRC, in which the India military personnel was partial towards China.

Interpreters sent by Taiwan's Nationalist government found out that almost eight or night out of every ten Chinese volunteer soldiers POWs were actually former Nationalists soldiers during the Chinese civil war who were brainwashed and became members of the Communist army. Of this type of POWs many of them indicated their unwillingness to be repatriated back to China Mainland. 14,715, or two third, chose to go to Taiwan. The remaining POWs who chose to return to Mainland were mostly treated as "defectors" or "special agents" and most of them were either expelled from the party or rejected from joining the party, again and again tormented in political purges.

When the armistice negotiation began, the Chiang Kai-shek government was all out with efforts in a bid to win on the front of international propaganda. He assigned the task of receiving POWs to his son, then-deputy secretary of the defense council Chiang Ching-kuo. Chiang Ching-kuo then dispatched his trusted aides in the party and the military, Chen Jian-chung and Wang Sheng, to Korea in charge of bringing back the some 14,000 POWs. Wang Sheng brought with him some 100 military personnel and stationed in various POW camps.

The receiving of the 14,000 POWs was considered a big victory for the Taiwan government in its tussle against the Communist. The Kuomintang fingered the Chinese Communist of brainwashing the POWs while the Chinese Communist charged the Kuomintang of interfering with their thoughts. Essentially, both sides were doing the same thing, each wanted to draw more POWs to its side. For example, among the main directives the Kuomintang handed out to the various POW camps as part of its work inciting defection were eliminating potential Communist moles, trumpeting firm resolution to return to Taiwan, standing in unity with North Korean "anti-communist defectors" and winning over Indian military personnel's favorable impression. Chiang Kai-shek, meanwhile in Taiwan, also publicized announcement calling for anti-communist fighters to defect the Communist for freedom.

In a bid to show their loyalty for Chiang Kai-shek, the anti-communist fighters started a tattoo movement in which they tattooed on their arms or chests with words such as "against communists and Russians" and "pledged to eliminate communists." At the time there was also a popular slogan going around: "One heart, back to Taiwan, one life, eliminate communists."

The POW camps were managed by neutral nation India's military force. If a camp was deemed controlled by pro-KMT power, it would raise the Republic of China's national flag to make known their determination. The flag was dyed red with the POWs' blood. A thousand copies of the flags and letters inked with blood from the POW camps are kept and put on display at the Ministry of National Defense's history archive and the Kuomintang headquarters.

To welcome the arrival of the "anti-communist fighters," the Republic of China government convened a number of meetings discussing related issues and called on UN force to must stop supervision in line with original schedule. On January 23, 1954, the anti-communist POWs arrived Taiwan in three groups. They were met with big welcome from the Taiwan public upon arrival in Keelung. They were dubbed as "Korean War fighters" and paraded down the streets in Taipei City as part of the celebration; liberty bells in various cities nationwide all struck 23 times.

Equally emotional was Chiang Kai-shek. On January 23, after receiving briefing that the POWs had all arrived Taiwan safely, the 67-year-old man who retreated to Taipei and long suffered from insomnia, slept for nine hours. The next day, he wrote on the diary: "[Last night] was the best sleep ever since the start of the year." In the diary, Chiang Kai-shek described the event as "the biggest victory to [our] moral over the past five years' fight against the Russians." In a diary entry dated December 31, 1950, Chiang Kai-shek wrote: "The [opportune] Korean War from the above, mostly ought to thank God...prompted the US to defense the justice, oppose the Communist, not giving up on the Far East and change the whole situation..."

The Republic of China government designated January 23 as the "123 Liberty Day" to commemorate the event that "salvage compatriots in the Mainland from the hands of the Communists."

Of the 14,000, some 6,000 of them were once members of the Chinese Communist Party. In separate groups, they pledged and renounced their party memberships. In late Aril, about 9,000 were sent to army, navy and air force and began their service in military accordance with their previous ranking. The remaining some 4,000 formed a group titled "Anti-communist Fighter Combating Corps."

To accommodate these anti-communist fighters, a "Fighter Village" was set up in Linkou, with Wang Sheng in charge of the Anti-communist Counseling Office counseling these anti-communist fighters. They resided in four newly-built bases in Linkou, Dahu, Hsiahu and Yangmei.

Infightings also took place at the Fighter Village. On the surface, the incidents constituted of cases such as violation of regulations, out on holidays without prior permission, molesting females when being out of the village, selling commodities the US military had distributed to them and such. These various incidents later further a notch, with reports such as rumor-mongering, blackmailing, assaults at night, murders and suicides. At the time, nearly hundred of international journalists were in Taiwan watching and observing how the Republic of China government treated the anti-communist fighters.

The first step counseling the POWs with communist party membership background was the self-renewal movement. Second step was the self-confession movement and third step was the informing movement aimed at clearing out moles lurking among the anti-communist fighters.

These anti-communist POWs later served in the military and took part in the 823
Battle and most of them lived the remaining of their lives at the Anti-communist Counseling Office. In an expansion of accommodation for the elderly discharged anti-communist fighters, the office in 1975 was relocated to Sanhsia in Taipei county. In line with the change of time and to enhance care for these elderly retired military personnel, the government on September 1, 1994 combined the Anti-communist Counseling Office wit Tucheng's Mainland Veterans Counseling Center and renamed it to Taipei Veterans' Home. Its headquarters is located in Sanhsia with the one in Tucheng as its branch, totaling an area of 38 hectares.

These fighters lived most of their lives in Taiwan until the lifting of Martial Law in 1987 that, on October 15 that same year, the Executive Yuan passed regulations governing visits to the Mainland, hence allowed them the chances to visit their hometowns and paid tribute to their parents whom they had never seen again since their youth after defecting to Taiwan for liberty. Of course in a bid to rid unnecessary problems when visiting relatives in the Mainland, some among the fighters got rid of their tattoos bearing words such as "against communists and Russians."

These some-14,000 anti-communist fighters brought for the Chiang Kai-shek regime great international propaganda effects, but Chiang Kai-shek didn't treat them well. Because most of them were prisoners captivated by the Chinese Communist during the Chinese civil war whom later were arranged to become part of the People's Liberation Army. These people were unwanted by Mao Zedong hence were sent to the battlefields in the North Korea. As for the Kuomintang, they were considered "two-time defectors," therefore could not be entrusted with the military dared not to entrust them with important posts. Most of them spent the remaining time of their lives at the Fighter Village. They could be said as the tragic characters successively abandoned by regimes on both sides of the Taiwan Strait.

The Korean War truly saved Taiwan and so Chiang Kai-shek's regime. Without the US Seventh Fleet being sent to the Taiwan Strait, Taiwan could very well being brought into the fold of Ma Zedong's Communist Party; If Mao Zedong did not send troop into the Korean War and dispatch large force in the Manchuria area, the Communist army stationed along China's southeast coast certainly could invade Taiwan by force any time, or even conquer it. Henceforth, the US' Truman administration also comprehended the important strategic location Taiwan possessed and brought the Chiang Kai-shek regime, which it was going to abandon, back to the anti-communist alliance headed by the US. As such, Taiwan was referred to as an "unsinkable aircraft carrier," a strategic position for the US to make good on defending the west Pacific ocean.

However, to the Taiwanese (including 85% of the population who were benshengren — people who came to Taiwan from China centuries ago — and 13 % of the population who were waishengren — Mainlanders who came to Taiwan in 1949 with the Nationalist army), it was yet a beginning of another disaster when Chiang Kai-shek, with the US' assistance, fortified his regime and leadership Under the banner of "reclaiming the Mainland," the Chiang regime carried out high-handed rule, which, to the people in Taiwan, was no different from being yet another colonization, with its level of viciousness and ruthlessness exceeding far beyond that of the Japanese military imperialist rule.

The author agreed strongly with the joint statement that the forum is slated to issue at the end of the event. "In Taiwan, the Chiang Kai Shek regime, denounced by people in China and forced to flee to Taiwan in 1949 and despite all the barriers of forming a regime, succeeded in establishing a dictatorship in the wake of the Cold-War policies of the US in East Asia after the Korean War. After the Korean War, Chiang’s regime stage a white terror campaign against the people of Taiwan by extending the nationalist-communist civil war, and defended its dictatorship by taking part in the US containment of the Taiwan straits on the one hand and placing extreme constraints to political and social development of the country on the other." The statement in general highlighted Taiwan's problems albeit in a more simplified form.

Since coming under Japan's colonial rule, Taiwanese have been seeking self-governance (exactly the concept of self-determination introduced by US president Woodrow Wilson), especially so in 1945 after Japan's defeat in WWII. However the wish has not been respected nor actualized. Except for the eight yeas between 2000 to 2008 during which the period Taiwanese "are their own masters," throughout the 400 years of Taiwan's history, Taiwanese have not governed themselves but ruled by foreign regime. From the Spanish, Dutch, the Qing Dynasty, Japanese to currently the Kuomintang, all are foreign regimes.

In 1944 before Japan's defeat, the Nationalist government established a "Taiwan Investigation Committee" and started deliberate policies concerning the take-over of Taiwan after the war. At the time, there was a resolution "banning Taiwanese from ruling Taiwan." [7]. The issue of not letting "Taiwanese governs Taiwan" was itself a complicated issue. It included the power struggles among the banshan — Taiwanese who went to China and joined the Kuomintang during Japanese colonial rule, opposition from feudal-thinking Kuomintang officials and of course also Chinese who found Taiwanese with imperial emperor-centered thinking as being untrustworthy and such. The truth however was that Taiwan since Japanese-rule period had established an electoral system and rule-by-law and order, to not let Taiwanese ruled themselves was simply unacceptable to Taiwanese.

What became worse was that after the Kuomintang took over Taiwan from the Japan's hands in 1945, one-and-a-half years later in 1947 there occurred the tragic 228 Massacre (official investigation report issued in 1994 noted that nearly 18,000-28,000 people were killed in the massacre), and plus the island-wide purges that subsequently followed and the 38-year-long Martial Law Era, also known as the White Terror, the calamity was not less than that of the National Guidance Alliance(국민보도연맹) and the Jeju April 3rd Massacre.

Then, Chiang Kai-shek's regime retreated to Taiwan in December 1949 after losing the Chinese civil war to the Chinese Communist Party. Before that on May 19, at the time when there was no war nor turmoil happening on the island of Taiwan, governor of Taiwan Province Chen Cheng promulgated the Martial Law, a move that was obviously was to pave way for Chiang Kai-shek's rule in Taiwan after retreating from China. With the implementation of the Martial Law, people's basic rights enshrined in the Constitution were usurped, among them included the freedom to assembly and gather and the freedom of expression as well as ban on political parties, newspaper and traveling abroad. The 38-year-long Martial law was the world's longest Martial Law period. Under the Martial Law, people were monitored by secret agent system of the Kuomintang's security apparatus, the Taiwan Garrison. If Korean friends can imagine the picture from the idea of the "Rule of Emergency Decree No. 9," it then won't be hard to comprehend the pain the Taiwanese had had to endure.

The four years between 19545 to 1949 could be said as a vital period that changed Taiwan's fate in the history. One colonial government left, yet came another new colonial government that was even more ruthless. Can't the Taiwanese never be able to "be own their own?" When thinking of the situation facing Taiwan, do the Korea friends here today feel a sense of deja vu that, left the Japanese militarist, yet came American imperialist? How similar Taiwan and Korea's fate are alike.

Just like Korea's Jeju 43 Massacre, during the White Terror Era from the 1950s to 1987 before the Martial Law was finally lifted, there were a total of 29,000 political sentences resulted from frame-up, a total victims of 160,000, among them nearly 7,000 were executed; more than half of them were political prisoners executed in the period between 1949-1960.

Many must be curious that how was Chiang Kai-shek, who "parachuted" from China Mainland to Taiwan where only had a few Kuomintang members, could rule Taiwan for 55 years? If it was Korea, a foreign regime parachuted from Shandong Peninsular to Korean Peninsular, how long would you let it rule? Given Korean people’s nationalist characteristics, I'd give it five years top, and then overthrown by you. It's shocking that the autocratic Chiang Dynasty of the Kuomintang could control the people in Taiwan for 55 years!

It relied on the high-handed rule of the military and the secret agents and the enormous assets left behind by the Japanese which it seized to become its own party assets, hence becomes the richest political party in the world. It relied on weaponry and money to control the Taiwanese. Employed force to clamp down threats from the people, as shown in the cases of the 228 Massacre and during the White Terror. The large party assets could be used during election times to "invest" on local politicians or buy votes from voters, allowing this political party with no basis of people's mandate in Taiwan to fulfill Taiwan people's need for democracy via "charity-style" kind of local elections.

Other than the military and secret agency systems, the Kuomintang further achieved the purpose of controlling and taming the Taiwanese via across-the-board management in areas such as education, judiciary, media, public servants and the like. For example, with feudal-thinking style of examination system, it produced rigid unitary-style of thoughts and as baits for people seeking fame and high social status. As a result, the three generations in Taiwan who received the kind of education from the Kuomintang had all thoroughly been brainwashed and lost the capability of think independently.

It further used media to control people's thoughts (just like the current Beijing authorities do) and put people on trials with a judicial system that's neither just nor independent. Former Kuomintang official had even once stated with pride that: "The Kuomintang owns the courts." In view of the unfair media and judiciary controlled by the Kuomintang in Taiwan, I believe Korean friends who had been under the rule of military dictatorship regimes could identify with such a feeling. What a despicable and absurd modern history from the two countries!

Of course Taiwanese cannot deny that because of the various military needed during the Korean War, they had in part propelled Taiwan and the neighboring counties' economic growth and developments. Under the economic assistance from the US, Taiwan's Kuomintang regime rebuilt Taiwan as a base for "reclaiming the Mainland." The productivity needs for the Korean War prompted changes in Taiwan's industries, evolving from farming-oriented industry to light industrial industry. Whether it be the military protection or the economic development, Taiwan indeed ought to thank the Korean War.

Today on the sixtieth anniversary of the signing of the armistice of the Korean War, one can't help but be overwhelmed with a mixed feeling of emotion as one looks back on the impacts of the war on the nearby countries. Earlier this year, North Korea's incessant saber-rattling threatening stability in the Northeast Asian region when in fact it does not have what it takes to start a war. Nuclear weapon was merely a mean for it to threat the world, the usual "going-off-the-cliff" diplomatic tactic employed by North Korea. North Korea authorities know better that if there comes a second Korean War, not only would the entire territory in North Korea be flattened, the North Korean Dynasty would also be doomed.

According to a report by Professor Shigemura of Japan's Waseda University, North Korea in 2005 imported only 520,000 tons of petroleum, in comparison to South Korea's 120 million tons and Japan's 230 million tons that same year. Shigemura was of the opinion that North Korea fundamentally does not have enough petroleum to fight a war. [8] As a matter of fact, most of North Korea's petroleum comes from China, therefore China, well aware of how much petroleum is imported to North Korea through the oil pipes in Yalu River, knows the most that North Korea has no capability to start a war.

The only possibility for North Korea to initiate a war is to have the support from China, as it did back then. However, China today is different from the China back in the 1950s. At the time, not only could Mao Zedong be extremely bossy towards Kim Il-sung, both China and North Korea then needed the Korean War to help consolidate their own power, in addition to getting weaponry supply from the Soviet Union and bluffing and blustering.

In 2013 today however, China has entered a new era and system ruled by Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang. They may at most have contacts with North Korea's old guards but share no kinship with Kim Jong-un, plus the differences in seniority in terms of ages, the generation disparity has changed the China-North Korea relations. The series of sabre-rattling from North Korea, started with its nuclear weapons test in February this year, may also have the Xi-Li system feeling annoyed. Beijing authorities' position toward North Korea is getting tougher as it agreed to the UN's sanction resolution against North Korea. Given China's change of attitude towards North Korea, it is impossible that it would help North Korea fight a second Korean War.

In comparison with the fiftieth anniversary marking the outbreak of the Korean War in 2000 in which then leaders from South Korea and North Korea met at the Pyongyang Summit, replacing "confrontation" with "reconciliation," some ten years later, the Lee Myung-bak government yet let the situation rolled back to the tense atmosphere as it was then during the Cold War era. What direction is the South-North Korea relations to head to is an issue testing the political wisdom of Asia's first elected female president.

The author is of the opinion that North Korea must be incorporated into the international system; only when North Korea becomes a normal country, free from international isolation could it be stopped being regarded as "a trouble maker." How hard is it to have a new "peace treaty" replace the "armistice"? It all actually just hinges on the ruling governments' moment of thoughts.

When the Unification Ministry no longer "probes on how not to unify," it is the beginning of reconciliation for the South-North Korea relations. Only to thoroughly rids the old Cold War Era trend of thoughts 60 years ago can the icy field of the Cold War remnant on the Korean Peninsular starts thawing, constructing "Smart New Thinking" in the "Smart Phone era" of the 21st century.
I sincerely hopes the president, with female's distinct characteristic delicate thoughts, could bring about a "reconciliation miracle" for the South Korea and North Korea.

Since last year I have been repeatedly stated in Taiwan and China that Korea is the one and only country in the world that is the most "active and progressive," creating miracles every 20 years: The "economic miracle" (early 1960s to early 1980s as one of the four Asian dragons), "political miracle" (late 1970s to late 1990s, from autocratic regime to a full-democratized country), "diplomatic miracle" (early 1970s to early 1990s, implementation of "The Northern Policy") and the "cultural miracle" the world is witnessing now with the Korean wave sweeping over the world.

So, with Korean's particular creativity and power of execution, a "reconciliation miracle" between South Korea and North Korea certainly is in the foreseeable future.

The First Sino-Japanese War in 1894 and the ceasing of fire in the Korean War in 1953 remain as valuable lessons for Taiwan today. The Taiwan problem is not just a matter of cross-strait relations but concerns the overall security issue in the Northeast Asian region. Taiwan's international strategic position is far more important than it was 120 years ago and Taiwan people's sense of independence is also more clear than that of 120, 60 years ago. Seeking international supports while cementing its democracy systems are ways that would allow Taiwan this unsinkable aircraft carrier of the Cold War to reborn and become the "key anchor of the stability in the Northeast Asian region" in the 21st century.

As the only two Confucian-cultured countries in Asia that achieved successful democratization in the post-WWII, Taiwan and South Korea certainly have the "moral legitimacy" to unreservedly safeguard the peace and stability in the Northeast Asian region.

The seeds of war calamity nurtured with tears and bloods 120 and 60 years ago should today in the 21st century grown to be a "Tree of Democracy." (As the Korean saying goes that: "The tree of democracy must be refreshed from time to time, with the blood of patriots and tyrants.") It's time we blissfully harvest the fruit of democracy.

God bless Taiwan and Korea!

Notes:
[1] Jung Chang and Jon Halliday, “Mao: The Unknown Story“, 2005, Jonathan Cape, UK. Chap. 34~35.
[2] Yao Chia wen, “Ten Sayings which Influenced Taiwan”,
[3] ibid.
[4] Shao Yu-Lin, “My Mission to Korea: A Personal Record of Modern Sino-Korean Relations”, 1980, Biographical Literature Press, Taipei
[5] ibid.
[6] “Mao: The Unknown Story“, Pp. 362, Chap. 35.
[7] Cheng Tze, “Take-over and reconstruct Taiwan after war”, Pp. 59~65
[8] Fukuda Keisuke, “Kim Jong-il and North Korean Problem”, Pp. 42

This paper presented in the International Conference hosted by "Professors for Democracy", Aug. 28, 2013, At Press Center, Seoul, Korea

韓戰停戰六十年之後:台灣的「得」與「失」

六十年前停戰的韓戰,在第二次世界大戰之後的世界史上,具有重大的歷史意義。它不僅是1945年之後規模最大的戰爭,也因而促成了國際冷戰體制的全面啟動。雖然是北韓金日成發動的同族相殘的惡行,但這確實是一場強權的「代理戰爭」。美、中、蘇三大強權的實力較勁,只不過是由南北韓提供戰場,讓韓民族同族相殘的一場戰爭。由於金日成的野心加上毛澤東與史達林對參戰有所圖謀,釀成了這場兩百多萬人傷亡的悲劇。(註一)

韓戰是朝鮮半島繼清日甲午戰爭之後,再次淪為強權國家的戰場。而兩次在韓半島的動亂,都讓台灣受到影響,東北亞的任何風吹草動,台灣實在不能掉以輕心。台灣雖然在南北韓的對抗中,是局外的第三者,但是在過去一百二十年的近代史中,韓半島的情勢曾經兩次影響到台灣。而且,兩次都是「因(朝鮮之)禍,(讓台灣)得福」。說實在的,但也很諷刺的,台灣還真應該感謝韓半島的「戰禍」啊!所以,筆者撰寫此文確實寫得有點心虛,請韓國的朋友們原諒,也請能夠站在台灣的立場來理解韓半島的情勢對台灣的影響。

韓半島第一次影響到台灣,是1894年東學黨革命引發清日甲午戰爭,清國敗戰而於1895年四月十七日,簽訂「馬關條約」,清國把台灣割讓給日本。當時,清朝宰相李鴻章向慈禧太后稟告時,為了替自己脫罪,竟然說出一句話:「台灣鳥不語、花不香,男無情、女無義,棄之不足惜。」(註二)李鴻章這樣的態度,對台灣人可說是莫大的侮辱。所以,台灣是清國不要的地方,才割讓給外國。

但是,當時台灣的知識份子與仕紳還是無法接受此一事實。遠在朝鮮的戰禍,竟然會殃及台灣。消息傳來,台灣菁英群情激憤。但北京的立場是「台灣雖重,比之京師則台灣為輕」(註三),割台已成定局。四月二十六日,清廷下令文武官員撤出台灣。

此後,臺灣的抗日運動在長達半世紀的日治時期,大抵上發生於1895年至1915年之間,也就是在日本治台的前20年。這20年的武裝抗日運動,大致上可以分成三個階段,第一期是1895年5月到10月為了保衛「台灣民主國」的乙未戰爭;第二期是緊接著台灣民主國之後到1902年之間的抗日游擊戰,幾乎每年都有武裝抗日行動;第三期自1907年的北埔事件起,到1915年的西來庵事件為止。以上的抗日鬥爭,都是以漢人為主,後來到1930年才發生以原住民的抗爭引發的霧社事件。

霧社事件之後,日本積極要把台灣建設為南進的生產基地,於是在各方面都加強建設與生產。日本人在台灣的各項建設,為台灣奠下了現代化與工業化的堅固基礎,這個貢獻與功勞,是台灣人永遠不會忘記的。如果台灣沒有割讓給日本,仍在清朝的統治之下,做為東南邊陲的這個小島,恐怕是永遠不會被北京政權關心到的地方,更不用說他們會在這裡大興土木的從事現代化建設了。所以,台灣能夠有今天,真的必須要感謝東學革命造成的甲午戰爭,清朝的敗戰,讓台灣因朝鮮之禍而得福。對韓國人而言,聽來也許很諷刺,但從台灣人的立場看,這是不能否認的事實。

這也是老世代台灣人對日本仍懷有「鄉愁」的根本原因。因為台灣與朝鮮最大不同之處,在於台灣被日本殖民之前,並不是一個主權獨立的國家,也沒有所謂的「台灣人民族主義」,台灣人因而不像朝鮮民族有亡國之痛,進而產生強烈的反日情緒。「馬關條約」儘管造就了台灣的現代化基礎,但是日本殖民台灣並不具備「道德正當性」,就如同殖民朝鮮一樣,是為了遂行它「大東亞共榮圈」以及南侵的野心,而把台灣當作生產基地在建設。

台灣人對日本的懷念,還因為1947年國民黨軍隊的228大屠殺,讓台灣人對「祖國」的期望完全破滅,驚覺這種祖國比日本更壞,才讓台灣人對日本產生「鄉愁」進而「親日」、進而萌生台獨思想,許多台灣精英紛紛流亡海外,鼓吹並推動台灣獨立運動。

朝鮮半島的動亂,第二次影響到台灣,則是在五十五年之後。韓戰爆發當時,東北亞情勢已經截然不同。台灣已成為蔣介石在國共內戰敗戰之後退守的「反攻大陸」的基地了。由於蔣介石的南京政府的貪瀆腐敗,讓美國對他失望至極。韓戰爆發的五個月前,在1950年1月5日,美國總統杜魯門才正式宣佈,美國對中國內戰採取不干涉政策,不會向台灣提供軍事援助和軍事顧問。同日,堅持認為「台灣從來不具有非常重要戰略意義」的國務卿艾契遜則強調,「任何進一步增加軍事援助和軍事顧問的方式,都是不必要的。」(註四)由此可知,當時蔣介石在台灣,可以說是國際上的孤兒,情勢對他極為不利,他只能孤軍奮戰。

但是韓戰爆發,東亞局勢驟變,美國的遠東戰略也隨之轉變。台灣原來不在美國防禦圈內,兩天之後,6月27日,美國總統杜魯門表示,「共産黨部隊可能佔領台灣,將直接威脅太平洋地區。」決定派遣第七艦隊協防台灣海峽。美國的軍事保護,使得台灣免於被中共赤化,而蔣介石政權也成為韓戰最大的受惠者。

當時,蔣介石立即發現,藉由韓戰可以挽救台灣的國際孤立情勢。於是,在六月三十日,蔣介石向麥克阿瑟表示,願意以陸軍三個師團三萬三千兵力,運輸機二十架,援助韓國。但旋即遭到美方的拒絕。杜魯門政府認為台灣派兵參戰的話,可能會越過鴨綠江反攻大陸,會因此促使中共派兵參戰,而致引發國際大規模戰爭。美國此一立場,顯然是受到英國邱吉爾首相對中共的姑息政策所影響(註五)。

雖然台灣無法派兵參戰,但是海峽兩岸延續國共內戰未完的仇隙,繼續利用韓戰的機會在韓半島較勁。特別是對中共俘虜的策反,國民黨政府可說動員了全力,要打贏這一場政治鬥爭,在國際宣傳上達到羞辱中共的目的。台灣向聯合國軍提供了他們迫切需要的翻譯、中文教師、記者等文職人員。

當時被聯軍俘虜及陣前投降的中國「人民志願軍」有21,400人,主要被關押在巨濟島等地。透過翻譯員得知,有不少戰俘想要脫離共產世界、投奔自由,台灣外交部長葉公超隨即公開表示,「中華民國政府對凡自願來台參加反共抗俄工作,並經盟軍查證屬實的戰俘,均可接收來台。」然後運用傳播媒體,造成世界輿論,使聯合國不得不提出堅持人道立場,而採取「自願遣俘」(依俘虜的自由意志)的原則。

1951年7月停戰談判開始,中共表示,按照日內瓦公約118條「實際戰事停止後,戰俘應即予釋放並遣返,不得遲延」。因為毛澤東命令談判代表:「一個也不能放!」這句冷酷的話,使韓戰多打了一年半,中國多死了幾十萬人(註六)。戰俘問題成為停戰談判爭論最激烈、拖延時間最長的一個問題。

中國的戰俘可以分成三種,第一種曾是國民黨軍人,國共內戰被俘虜後編入共軍,第二種是原不是軍人,被迫參軍,第三種是從頭到尾都是純共軍。這些戰俘先被拘留在釜山,經聯軍各單位初步審問,移送到巨濟島各俘虜營,後來又移到濟州島南端的慕瑟浦。

然而,在戰俘營中有所謂的文鬥和武鬥。這些都是由共軍發起的,文鬥指的是,用語言、態度、行為等方式宣傳共產主義,武鬥則是以毆打、殺人,隨便處理屍體,例如分屍,戰俘們會在出勤時一人帶一塊在營區外丟棄。而這些文鬥、武鬥的目的在於取得優勢,經過一段時間後就各自分為共產黨控制的營舍和國民黨掌控的營地。聯軍每次點名都會「少幾個人」,聯軍根本不管也無法管,完全讓戰俘營內自治。

表面上,戰俘是由中立國印度主持對戰俘進行鑑識,以確定其本人的意願。共軍主張「強迫遣返戰俘」,而聯軍代表則主張「自由遣返戰俘」。實際上,聯軍停戰談判代表提出「自願遣返」方案,試圖用「大量朝中戰俘拒絕被遣返」的局面來宣揚「共產主義的失敗」。

最後中共同意「自願遣俘」,但需要經過調查與說服程序。共軍表面上答應這個協定,但對志願俘虜的執行則採取完全有利於中國的安排(營地的所在地就是中朝共黨的大軍前線),要求將所有俘虜移送到38度線,由所謂的中立國委員會,由當時比較偏袒中國的印度軍管理。

台灣國民黨派去的翻譯官發現,中共志願軍戰俘中十之八九,是在國共內戰被俘的前國軍,經過洗腦教育與整編後才正式成為人民軍。這一類戰俘中有不少人不願意在停戰後回到中國共產黨統治下的中國大陸,共有14,715人選擇前往台灣,約占三分之二。其他選擇回大陸的志願軍戰俘,回去後被當做「叛徒」、「特務」,大多受到政治審查、被開除黨團籍或拒絕其入黨,並在一次次的整肅運動中歷盡苦難折磨。

在韓戰停戰談判開始之後,蔣介石政府為了打贏這場國際宣傳戰,幾乎動員了所有的力量,並且把接回戰俘的任務交給他兒子、當時擔任國防會議副秘書長的蔣經國。蔣經國於是派了他在黨部與軍方的親信陳建中與王昇到韓國,負責接回一萬四千多名反共俘虜。王昇率領了一百多名官兵,分別進駐不同俘虜營區。

對這一萬四千名反共戰俘的爭取,當時被認為是台灣政府對中共鬪爭的一大勝利。國民黨說共產黨對戰俘是在進行洗腦,共產黨則說國民黨是在干擾思想,其實雙方都是一樣的行為,只是想拉攏更多的戰俘回自己的國家。如同國民黨的策反工作,就指示各戰俘營幾個重點目標:肅清潛伏匪諜、強調堅決回台灣、與韓籍反共義士團結一致、爭取印度守軍的好感。蔣介石也在台灣發表文告,號召反共義士起義歸順、投奔自由安身立命、永脱苦海。

反共義士為了宣示效忠蔣介石,都發起紋身運動,在手臂和胸前刺上「反共抗俄」、「誓滅共匪」等字樣以表決心。當時也有個眾所皆知的口號:「一顆心回台灣,一條命滅共匪」。
戰俘營都由中立國印度士兵管理,如果一個戰俘營被親國民黨的勢力所掌控,營區就會升起中華民國的國旗,以表明俘虜們的心志,他們稱之為光復。而這面國旗是戰俘們用自己的鮮血,一滴一滴的染紅的。戰俘營裡的這些血書、血旗千餘份,目前都保存在國防部史政局及國民黨中央黨部陳列展覽。

中華民國政府為歡迎這批「反共義士」來歸,經過多次集會商討,並向聯軍統帥呼籲,務須如期終止監管。1954年1月23日,前往台灣的反共戰俘分成三批,由基隆上岸抵台,接受全台灣民眾的熱烈歡迎,被稱為「韓戰義士」。他們在臺北市區遊行,市民張燈結綵,表示慶祝;全台灣各大城市自由鐘,都敲響23下。

同樣心情激動的還有蔣介石。1月23日,接到戰俘乘軍機平安抵台的報告後,這位敗退台北後,飽受失眠症困擾的67歲老人安睡了9小時。第二天,他在日記中寫道:「實為今年來最安眠之一夜也。」在日記中,蔣介石把此事稱為「五年以來精神上對俄鬥爭之重大勝利。」在1950.12.31日記中,蔣介石寫道:「天賜韓戰,最應感謝上帝,……使美國仗義抗共,不放棄遠東,以轉移整個局勢也……。」

中華民國政府特設「一二三自由日」,以紀念這個「從中共手中解救大陸同胞」的事件。一萬四千名中,曾經正式加入為共產黨員者,共達六千餘人之多,分批集體宣誓脫離共黨。約有九千餘人於四月下旬,分發陸海空軍,按照原來的階級安置服役。剩下的四千餘軍官,則組成「反共義士戰鬪團」。

台灣政府為了收容這些反共義士,在林口成立「義士村」與反共義士輔導處,由王昇負責對反共義士的輔導。他們住的是林口、大湖、下湖、楊梅等四個剛剛蓋好的營區。

而共產黨員俘虜也在義士村進行「被俘後鬥爭」,也就是從韓國的戰俘營,再轉移到台灣的義士村。這鬥爭在表面上的現象:是不守營規、不假外出、外出時調戲婦女,變賣美軍發給他們的雜物種種。而提升這種現象的:則是製造謠言、寫匿名信、寫恐嚇信、於深夜間鬥毆、殺人、以及自殺。當時,國際間有近百名記者,在台灣觀察中華民國對反共義士的處理。

反共義士輔導處對具有共產黨黨員身分的俘虜,第一個步驟是「自新運動」,第二個步驟是「自首運動」,第三個步驟是「檢舉運動」,為了肅清反共義士中潛伏的匪諜,可說使盡了全力。

這些反共戰俘後來作為國軍參加了諸如八二三戰役的戰鬥,大多終老反共義士輔導中心,1975年為擴大安置退役年邁反共義士,遷建於台北縣三峽。政府為順應時代的需求,加強對年長退伍軍人照顧,1994年九月一日將反共義士輔導中心與土城大陸榮胞輔導中心合併,改名為「台北榮譽國民之家」。本部位於三峽,土城為其分部,佔地共計卅八公頃。

這些義士在台灣度過了自己的大半輩子,直到1987年解嚴、同年十月十五日行政院通過大陸探親辦法後,才得以回到自己的故鄉探望、祭拜年輕時因為投奔自由而再也沒看到的父母。當然也有部分義士為了要返回大陸省親避免麻煩,洗去了身上「反共抗俄」的紋身。

這一萬四千多名反共義士,為蔣介石政權帶來了莫大的國際宣傳效果,但是蔣介石並未善待他們。因為大部分是國共內戰中被共軍俘虜之後,被編入解放軍的部隊。這些人是毛澤東不想要的人,所以派去朝鮮戰場當砲灰。對國民黨而言,他們等於是「二度變節」的叛逆者,而視為無法信任的人,在軍隊中也不敢委以重任,許多人就在義士村裡終老。他們可以說是,被兩岸政權先後遺棄的悲劇人物。

韓戰確實救了台灣,也救了蔣介石政權。如果沒有第七艦隊協防台灣海峽,台灣早已被毛澤東的共產黨所赤化;如果毛澤東不派兵打韓戰而把大量的兵力駐屯在滿州地區,留駐在東南沿海的共軍,絕對隨時可以武力犯台,甚至解放台灣。而台灣也從此讓美國杜魯門政府領悟到它的戰略地位的重要性,把原本準備要放棄的蔣介石政權,再拉回美國主導的反共陣營,於是台灣才被稱為美國西太平洋防線上「不沉的航空母艦」。

但是,蔣介石在美國扶持之下,政權與他的領導地位鞏固之後,對台灣人(包括佔人口85%的本省人,以及1949年跟國民黨軍隊一起來佔13%的外省人)而言,卻是另一場災難的開始。打著「反攻大陸」旗幟的蔣政權,在台灣強行軍事高壓統治,對台灣無異於另一次的殖民統治。國民黨採取的統治手段,狠毒與兇殘的程度遠遠超過日本軍國主義者。

筆者非常同意此次會議後將發表的共同宣言中所指:「蔣介石政權於1949年被人民拋棄後離開大陸逃往臺灣,甚至一度陷入政權滅亡的危機,但是美國推行的東亞政策因韓國戰爭而有所改變,最終幫助蔣介石奠定了獨裁的基礎。韓國戰爭之後,蔣介石在臺灣推行白色恐怖政策,國共內戰繼續上演,加之美國幫助臺灣封鎖臺灣海峽,臺灣的政治、社會發展在此過程中受到了嚴重制約,人民也開始了對獨裁體制的反抗。」這段對台灣的敘述,大致點出了台灣問題的重點,但是稍嫌簡略了一些。

台灣人自從被日本殖民統治之後,不斷尋求「自治」的主張(也就是威爾遜總統倡導的「民族自決」),特別是在1945年日本戰敗之後,但是從來都沒有被尊重與實現。台灣人除了在2000~2008的八年之間,「當過自己的主人」之外,在四百年的台灣歷史中,從來沒有過自己統治自己,都是被外來政權所統治。從西班牙、荷蘭、清朝、日本,到國民黨為止,都是外來政權。

在日本戰敗之前的1944年,國民政府就成立了「台灣調查委員會」,開始研議戰後接收治理台灣的政策,當時就有「不能讓台人治台」的決議(註)。不讓「台人治台」的問題,其實非常複雜。其中有「半山」(留學並住在中國的台籍菁英)的爭取或鬥爭,有迂腐封建的國民政府官員的反對,當然也包括中國人對台灣人這種「日本皇民」的不信任等等。但是,台灣在日治時代已經有了選舉制度與法治,不讓台人治台,是絕對無法讓台灣人信服的。
更糟的是,1945年接收台灣的一年半之後,1947年就發生了二二八大屠殺(1994年官方發表的調查報告指出,有18000~28000人遭到屠殺)的悲劇,隨後在台灣全島實施的「清鄉」,以及在長達三十八年的戒嚴令期間所採行的「白色恐怖」與特務統治,實在不遜於韓國的「輔導聯盟」、濟州43大屠殺等慘劇。

接著,蔣介石政權在國共內戰中的1949年12月敗逃台灣,在此之前的5月19日,在台灣島內並無戰爭與動亂的情況下,台灣省政府主席陳誠頒布戒嚴令,此舉形同為蔣介石撤退來台的統治預為鋪路。實施戒嚴,就是採行「軍事統治」。憲法賦予人民的基本權利全部被剝奪,不只沒有集會、結社、言論的自由,還包括黨禁、報禁、出國禁等,而且戒嚴令持續了38年,成為世界上實施最久的戒嚴令。在戒嚴體制下,就靠情報特務系統來監控人民,於是白色恐怖的「特務政治」橫行全台灣,韓國朋友若以「第九號緊急措施治國時代」來思考,就不難理解台灣人所受到的痛苦。

從1945~49這四年之間,可說是改變台灣歷史命運的的關鍵年代,一個殖民政府走了,又來了一個更暴虐的新殖民政權,台灣人永遠不能「當自己」嗎?台灣這種情況,在場的南韓朋友是不是也有「似曾相似」的感覺呢。走了日本軍國主義者,卻來了美帝國主義者。台灣與韓國的命運竟然如此雷同。

跟韓國的濟州四三事件與疑問死事件一樣,台灣從1950年代開始的白色恐怖,一直到1987年戒嚴令解除,總共發生了兩萬九千多件的政治冤獄事件,一共有十四萬人受難,其中有四千多人遭到處死;其中,半數被槍決的政治犯,是發生在前十二年的1949~1960年。

但是,相信大家一定都會很好奇,蔣介石從中國大陸「空降」到台灣這個沒有幾名黨員的外來政黨國民黨,如何能夠統治台灣55年呢?換成韓國的話,一個從山東半島空降到韓半島的外來政權,你們會讓它統治多久?以韓國人的民族性,我相信頂多五年吧!一定會被你們推翻,但是國民黨蔣氏父子獨裁王朝竟然能夠控制台灣人五十五年!

它靠的是軍隊與特務遂行的高壓統治,以及接收自日本留下的龐大資產,佔據為自己的黨產,而成為全世界最富裕的政黨。他們靠著武器與金錢來控制台灣人。用武力屠殺人民的威脅,已經在二二八事件與白色恐怖事件中,展現無遺。而龐大的黨產則在選舉中使用來「投資」地方政客,或是收買選民,讓這個在台灣沒有民意基礎的政黨,可以用「施捨式」的地方選舉滿足台灣人的民主需求。

除了軍事、特務系統之外,國民黨更透過對教育、司法、媒體、公務員等所有領域的全面支配,來達到掌控與馴化台灣人民的目的。例如,它以迂腐封建的科舉制度方式,對台灣人民推動一元化的思想教育,以及以升學考試做為地位進階與求取功名利祿的誘餌。所以,台灣接受國民黨教育的三個世代人民,都成為被徹底洗腦而喪失思考能力的人。

它更進一步以控制媒體來控制人民的思想(如同現在的北京政權),並且以不獨立也不公正的司法,來審判人民。國民黨的高官都還曾經得意洋洋地說:「法院是國民黨開的。」對於台灣在國民黨控制下的不公正媒體與司法,相信同樣被軍事獨裁政權統治過的韓國朋友,也一樣感同身受吧!多麼卑鄙又荒謬的兩國現代史啊!

台灣人當然也不能否認,韓戰的「軍需景氣」也帶動了台灣等周邊國家的經濟復甦與成長。台灣的國民黨政權當時在美國的經濟援助下,重新建設台灣做為反攻大陸的基地,韓戰的景氣讓台灣的產業體質,從原本以農業生產為主的結構,開始轉向輕工業發展。不論是軍事保護或經濟發展,台灣確實要感激韓戰!

在韓戰停戰協定簽署六十周年的此刻,回顧這場戰爭對周邊國家的影響,實在不得不讓人感慨萬千。從今年初,不斷在東北亞製造威脅恐嚇的北韓,根本沒有力量發動一場戰爭。核武雖然是它不斷用來恫嚇世人的利器,但這只不過是北韓一貫施展的「懸崖邊外交」手段而已。北韓領導階層深知,第二次韓戰爆發的話,不僅北韓全境會被夷為平地,也會讓北韓王朝徹底瓦解。

根據日本早稻田大學教授重村智計的報告,2005年北韓進口石油僅為52萬噸,相較於同年南韓的一億二千萬噸,日本的兩億三千萬噸,重村認定北韓根本沒有足夠的石油可以打一場戰爭。(日文『圖解:金正日と北朝鮮問題』,Pp. 42)事實上,北韓大部分的石油是來自於中國,經過鴨綠江的輸油管最清楚北韓進口了多少石油,所以最清楚北韓有沒有能力發動戰爭的就是中國。

而北韓發動戰爭唯一的可能性,就是像當年一樣得到中國的支持。但是,今天的中國已非1950年的中國,當時毛澤東對金日成不僅可以頤指氣使,他們也都必須靠韓戰來鞏固權力,並得到蘇聯武器的供應,以及在國際社會虛張聲勢。但是到了2013年的今天,中國進入了習近平、李克強的新體制,他們頂多只與北韓的老臣有過接觸,與金正恩幾乎沒有淵源,再加上輩分的不同,世代差異讓中朝關係完全改觀,北韓從二月開始的核試爆等一連串威嚇動作,相信讓剛上路的習李體制不勝其煩,北京當局對北韓的姿態於是越來越強硬,在聯合國也投票贊成制裁的決議案。中國對北韓態度的丕變,已絕無可能幫北韓打第二次的韓戰了。
但是,相較於2000年韓戰爆發五十週年時,兩韓是以平壤高峰會的「和解」來取代「對抗」,十多年之後,李明博政權卻讓和解局面倒回冷戰對峙的緊張態勢。未來南北韓關係的走向,正考驗著亞洲第一位女總統的政治智慧。

筆者認為,必須把北韓納入國際體系,只有讓北韓成為正常國家,不再遭到國際孤立,它才不會再被視為「麻煩製造者(trouble maker)」。用新的「和平條約」來換取「停戰協定」真的有那麼困難嗎?其實,那只在當政者的一念之間而已。

當「統一部」不再處心積慮地「研究如何不統一」的時候,就是南北韓關係和解的開始。唯有徹底拋棄六十年前的冷戰舊思維,建構二十一世紀「Smart Phone時代」的「Smart新思考」,韓半島這塊冷戰最後的凍原,才能夠開始化冰。我衷心期待女總統能以女性纖細的思維特質,開創兩韓「和解的奇蹟」。

我從去年起就不斷地在台灣與中國宣揚韓國是全世界絕無僅有的「積極上進」的國家,每二十年創造一項奇蹟:「經濟奇蹟」(1960年代初期∼1980年代初期成為「亞洲四小龍」)、「政治奇蹟」(1970年代末期∼1990年代末期,從獨裁暴政到完全民主化)、「外交奇蹟」(1970年代初期∼1990年代初期「北方政策」的實現),目前正在創造的是韓流的「文化奇蹟」。所以,以韓國人特有的創造力與執行力,南北韓的「和解奇蹟」,是一定可以看得到的。

儘管如此,1895年的清日甲午戰爭之後,以及1953年韓戰停戰之後,這兩次事件對現在的台灣仍然是寶貴的教訓。台灣問題其實並不只是「兩岸關係」而已,它更是東亞的共同安全問題。今天台灣的國際戰略地位比一百二十年前更重要,台灣人獨立自主意識也比一百二十年前、六十年前更加清晰。對外尋求國際支持,對內鞏固自由民主體制,才是讓台灣這艘冷戰時代不沉的航空母艦,脫胎換骨成為二十一世紀「東亞和平安定之錨(Anchor)」的關鍵。

做為二次世界大戰後,亞洲僅有的兩個民主化成功的「儒家文化圈」國家,台灣與韓國確實有著「道德正當性」,要全力守護東亞的和平與安定。120年前與60年前戰禍的血淚種下的種子,到二十一世紀的今天應該已經長成「民主之樹」了(韓國人常說:民主之樹是喝血長大的),是我們歡喜收割民主果實的時候了。

天佑台韓!